Pentagon Planning for Long-Term Continued Use of Guantanamo Bay, Cuba                                                                                                            

U.S. military officials this week told journalists that the U.S. was planning major improvements at Guantanamo Bay. They included a new dining hall with a lifespan of 20 years for guards at the detention center; barracks costing $150 million with a lifespan of 50 years; and a new super-max prison unit to replace one (Camp 7) that is in need of major repairs. [1]

Adm. John Ring, commander of the task force that runs the detention facility or prison, said, “Now my mission is enduring. So I have all sorts of structures that I have been neglecting or just getting by with that now I’ve got to replace.”

These thoughts were echoed by the commander of the guard force, Army Col. Stephen Gabavics, who said, “We’ve got to plan for the long term. We ultimately have to plan for whether or not they [the detainees] are going to be here for the rest of their lives.” He added, “We have the responsibility for the detainees that we have here, regardless of what the political flavor is outside there. We have the responsibility to provide for their safety, care and custody so all that we ask is that we get the resources we need to be able do that.”

Now there are 40 detainees at Guantanamo: five “who have been deemed eligible for transfer;” nine who have been charged in the military commission system and are in proceedings at various stages; and 26 who have neither been charged nor deemed eligible for transfer and who  are being held in indefinite detention under what the U.S. asserts are the international laws of war. Of these, 15 are being held in Camp 7, the super-max unit for “high-value detainees” who were previously in CIA custody.

Conclusion

These U.S. thoughts and plans totally ignore the world-wide outrage over the U.S. operation of this detention facility, the continuing challenges to these operations under U.S. and international law; and Cuba’s repeated insistence that the U.S. continued use of Guantanamo Bay, especially the detention facility, is an illegal occupation. The U.S., on the other hand, has a non-frivolous argument that the use of the territory is legal under Cuba’s 1903 lease of same to the U.S. This blogger has proposed an international arbitration to resolve this dispute and with the ultimate solution being an agreement for a new lease at a much higher annual rental and with conditions on the U.S. use of the facility.[2]

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[1] Assoc. Press, US Military Plans for Future at Guantanamo Because of Trump, N.Y. Times (June 7, 2018).

[2]  These and other issues are discussed in the posts listed in the “U.S. & Guantanamo Bay, Cuba” section of List of Posts to dwkcommentaries—Topical: CUBA.

Update on Congressional Actions Regarding Cuba 

A June 12th post reviewed the status of appropriations bills relating to Cuba in the U.S. House of Representatives. Now we look at what happened last week in Congress on these and other measures.

National Defense Authorization Act FY 2016[1]

On June 18, the Senate passed its version of the spending authorization for the Department of Defense for Fiscal Year 2016.

The White House threatened to veto the bill. The main bone of contention is the bill’s continuation of sequestration of funds and use of so-called budget gimmicks. The White House opposes also opposes the bill because it contains language that it claims would make it hard to shutter the U.S. prison facility in Guantánamo Bay, Cuba. It calls the process for winning congressional approval of closing Guantánamo “unnecessary and overly restrictive.”

The same day, however, Senator John McCain (Rep., AZ) said that Defense Secretary Aston Carter had pledged to come forward to Congress with a plan to close the Guantanamo prison facility. Even if the administration hands over a plan to close the facility, however, it’s unclear if it could get passed through Congress. McCain’s proposal divided Republicans on the Senate Armed Services Committee and he faces opposition from House lawmakers.

Now the Senate and House have to confer and negotiate a bill that can pass both chambers. One of the major challenges are the different provisions regarding the Guantanamo detention facility and detainees:

  • The Senate’s version of the bill provides the President with a path to close the prison in Guantanamo if Congress signs off on the plan.
  • The House version does not include an option for closing the prison, but instead would maintain restrictions on transferring prisoners. The House bill also adds additional certification requirements, bans detainees from being transferred to “combat zones” and blocks any transfers of prisoners to the United States including for medical purposes.

Intelligence Authorization Act, FY 2016 (H.R.2596)[2]

On June 16 the House passed, 247-178, the Intelligence Authorization Act FY 2016 (H.R.2596). It outlines policy for 16 federal intelligence agencies, including the CIA and .the National Reconnaissance Agency. After the vote, John Boehner (Rep., OH), the Speaker of the House, said, “This bill sustains and strengthens our capabilities to combat terrorism, cyberattacks, and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, while making every taxpayer dollar count.”

The bill’s sections 321 would ban the transfer of certain Guantanamo detainees to the U.S.; section 322 would ban the construction or modification of U.S. facilities to house certain Guantanamo detainees; and section 323 would ban transfer of Guantanamo detainees to combat zones. Sections 331 and 333 would require certain reports to Congress regarding such detainees.

Rep. Adam Schiff (Dem., CA), the top Democrat on the Intelligence Committee, criticized the bill’s banning the government from transferring such detainees to the U.S. or a recognized “combat zone.” Schiff said, “We are not safer because of Guantanamo’s existence. In fact, it makes us more vulnerable by drawing more recruits to the jihad.” Moreover, the definition of “combat zone,” Schiff added, is “so broad as to include allies and partners such as Jordan.” An amendment from Schiff to eliminate the new restrictions failed 176-246.

Before the vote, the White House said, “While there are areas of agreement with the committee, the administration strongly objects to several provisions of the bill,” and “If this bill were presented to the president, the President’s senior advisors would recommend to the president that he veto it.”

Financial Services and General Government Appropriations Act FY 2016[3]

On June 17 the House Appropriations Committee approved the Financial Services and General Government Appropriations Act FY 2016 on a straight party-line vote, 30 to 20.The Committee’s press release states the bill provides $20.2 billion in funding for “critical national programs to enforce U.S. laws , maintain a fair and efficient judicial system, and help small businesses grow” while reducing or eliminating lower-priority programs and cutting “poor-performing agencies—including an $838 million reduction to the Internal Revenue Service.”

One of the most controversial provisions of the bill was the temporary blocking of the newly implemented net neutrality rules, which was criticized by the White House without a threat of a veto.

As noted in a prior post, according to the Committee’s press release, the bill contains prohibitions on (a) “travel to Cuba for educational exchanges not involving academic study pursuant to a degree program;” (b) “importation of property confiscated by the Cuban Government;” and (c) “financial transactions with the Cuban military or intelligence service.” I, however, am still unable to find these provisions in the bill. I solicit comments identifying these provisions.

In the Committee Rep. Nita Lowey (Dem., NY), the top Democrat of the full committee, offered an amendment that would have removed what she called “20 veto-bait riders” or policy provisions, including these Cuba-related measures. The proposal was blocked on a party-line vote.

Freedom to Travel to Cuba Act of 2015 (S.299)[4]

A prior post discussed the Freedom to Travel to Cuba Act of 2015 that was introduced by Senator Jeff Flake (Rep., AZ). In addition, it now has 44 cosponsors: 36 Democrats, 6 Republicans and 2 Independents.

A recent New York Times editorial endorsed the lifting the ban on travel to Cuba. It said, “The ban — the only travel prohibition American citizens are currently subjected to — never made sense, and it’s particularly misguided in an era of broadening engagement between the United States and Cuba.” Now, “the trajectory is unmistakable. Public opinion polls show that a majority of Cubans on the island and Americans favor engagement. Congress should wait no longer to do its part.”

Cuban Military Transparency Act (S.1489)[5]

On June 3 Senator Marco Rubio (Rep., FL) introduced the Cuban Military Transparency Act (S.1489) with seven cosponsors (Robert Menendez (Dem., NJ), Orrin Hatch (Rep., UT), Tom Cotton (Rep., AR), Ted Cruz (Rep., TX), Cory Gardner (Rep., CO), David Vitter (Rep., LA), Mark Kirk (Rep., IL). It was referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations.

The bill would prohibit a U.S. person from engaging in any financial transaction with or transfer of funds to: the Ministry of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Cuba or the Ministry of the Interior of Cuba (or any of their subdivisions); a senior member of such Ministries; any agency, instrumentality, or other entity that is more than 25% owned, or that is operated or controlled by, such a Ministry; or any individual or entity for the purpose of avoiding a prohibited financial transaction or transfer of funds that is for the benefit of that individual or entity. Excluded from these bans are the sale to Cuba of agricultural commodities, medicines, and medical devices; remittances to an immediate family member; or assistance in furtherance of democracy-building efforts for Cuba.

The bill would also require (a) the U.S. Attorney General to coordinate with the International Criminal Police Organization (INTERPOL) in order to pursue the location and arrest of U.S. fugitives in Cuba, including current and former members of the Cuban military and (b) the U.S. President to provide reports on the role of the Ministry of the Revolutionary Armed Forces and the Ministry of the Interior in Cuba and the return of property that has been confiscated by the Government of Cuba.

In his press release about the bill, Senator Rubio said, ““It is not in the interest of the United States or the people of Cuba for the U.S. to become a financier of the Castro regime’s brutality. The Cuban Military Transparency Act would prevent U.S. dollars from getting into the hands of the Cuban military and would demand accountability from the Obama Administration regarding fugitives of American justice in Cuba, the return of stolen and uncompensated property and the role of the Ministry of the Revolutionary Armed Forces and the Ministry of the Interior in Cuba.”

The Center for Democracy in the Americas opposes this bill. It admits “that in Cuba, a socialist state with a largely state-owned economy, the military is invested in state-owned businesses, and several of those . . . are dominant players in Cuba’s tourist industry. Given the military’s broad role in Cuba’s economy, any expenditure by U.S. travelers and businesses – including the cost of hotel rooms, telephone calls, airport taxes, the hotel occupancy tax, sales taxes on tourist purchases, resort fees – could be prohibited presumptively unless the traveler or company could persuade [the U.S. Treasury agency] they spent their money in Cuba some other way.” But “how could they prove the negative? Who in Cuba will hand out the forms that say “that hotel room” or “that painting” or “that serving of ropa vieja” didn’t come from an enterprise owned or controlled by Cuba’s military?”

Therefore, according to the Center for Democracy in the Americas, the true purpose of this bill is “to shame, harass, and try to stop every American from visiting Cuba or seeking to do business in Cuba, and to return U.S. policy to its pre-December 17, 2014 goal of starving the Cuban economy and the Cuban people along with it.”

Conclusion

These latest congressional developments reinforce the need for continued vigilance by supporters of U.S.-Cuba reconciliation to pay attention to what is happening in Congress and to continue to express their opinions on these issues to their representatives in that body and to the larger community.

I take pride in the strong support for such reconciliation in the State of Minnesota, so far away from Cuba. A recent article in MINNPOST explored this apparently strange phenomenon. Eric Schwartz, Dean of the Humphrey School of Public Affairs at the University of Minnesota and a non-native Minnesotan, believes there are three main reasons for this fact. First, two of Minnesota’s biggest industries — agriculture and medical devices — have massive potential exports to Cuba. Second, Minnesota’s lack of a large Cuban-American community and its distance from the island mean our lawmakers are not subject to the same pressures as representatives from states like Florida and New Jersey. Third, many of Minnesota’s federal legislators are reasonable people.

I concur in that opinion, but believe Schwartz has missed the fundamental reason for strong Minnesota support for this reconciliation. Many people in this State are interested in what goes on in the world and are actively engaged with the rest of the world through their churches like Minneapolis’ Westminster Presbyterian Church, the Center for Victims of Torture, Advocates for Human Rights, the Minnesota Cuba Committee and various programs at the University of Minnesota and through Minnesotans’ welcoming immigrants and refugees from around the world, especially from Somalia, Viet Nam and Laos, and through major multinational corporations headquartered here like Cargill, which is leading the U.S. Agricultural Coalition for Cuba,3M, Medtronic and General Mills.

I was pleased to read about the change of heart of a prominent Cuban-American Republican who was U.S. Secretary of Commerce in the George W. Bush Administration, Carlos Gutierrez. In an op-ed essay in the New York Times, he said,” it is now time for Republicans and the wider American business community to stop fixating on the past and embrace a new approach to Cuba.” He added, “Some of my fellow Cuban-Americans insist that continuing to squeeze Cuba economically will help the Cuban people because it will lead to democracy. I wonder if the Cubans who have to stand in line for the most basic necessities for hours in the hot Havana sun feel that this approach is helpful to them.”

Gutierrez concluded, “America must look to the future instead — and pursue this opportunity to assist Cubans in building a new economy. There is a lot of work to do, and progress will be slow. However, the business community and my fellow Cuban-Americans and Republicans should not ignore the possibilities ahead. The Cuban people need and deserve our help.”

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[1] Matishak, White House threatens to veto Senate’s defense spending bill, The Hill (June 18, 2015); Carney, McCain expects Pentagon plan on closing Guantanamo, The Hill (June 18, 2015);Carney, Five challenges for the defense bill (June 21, 2015).

[2] This section of the post is based upon Hattem, House passes intel bill over White House objections, The Hill (June 16, 2015).

[3] This section of the post is based upon the following: House Appropriations Comm., Press Release: Appropriations Committee Approves Fiscal Year 2016 Financial Services Bill (Jun 17, 2015); House Appropriations Comm., Financial Services Appropriations Act FY 2016 (June 9?, 2015); House Appropriations Comm., Report: Financial Services and General Government Appropriations Bill, 2016, No. 114- —( 2015);Trujillo, House panel advances rider to block Internet rules, The Hill (June 7, 2015); Trujillo, Obama administration knocks net neutrality riders in funding bill, The Hill (June 17, 2015)  Shabad, Bill with $838M IRS cut advances in House, The Hill (June 17, 2015).

[4] Library of Congress THOMAS, S.299 Freedom to Travel to Cuba Act of 2015 (Cosponsors)

[5] This portion of the post is based upon the following: Library of Congress THOMAS, Cuban Military Transparency Act; Rubio, Press Release: Senators Introduce Bill To Deny Resources To Castro’s Military and Security Services (June 3, 2015); Center for Democracy in Americas, The Cuban Military Not So Transparent Act (June 19, 2015).

U.S. House Committee Proposes To Impose Major Impediments to U.S.-Cuba Reconciliation

The U.S. House of Representatives Appropriations Committee is in the process of considering a proposed appropriations bill for the U.S. Department of State that would impose monetary restrictions on the U.S. government’s implementation of the Obama Administration’s rapprochement with Cuba.[1]

This intent was mentioned in a June 2nd press release by the House Appropriations Committee regarding its draft FY 2016 appropriations bill for State and Foreign Operations for consideration tomorrow by its State and Foreign Operations Subcommittee.

In addition to funding the State Department and foreign assistance, said the press release, the bill includes a prohibition on using funds for an U.S. embassy or other diplomatic facility in Cuba beyond what was in existence prior to the December 17, 2014, announcement of rapprochement by President Obama. The bill also would restrict funds to facilitate the opening of a Cuban embassy in the U.S., increase democracy assistance and international broadcasting to Cuba and provide direction to the Secretary of State on denying visas to members of the Cuban military and Communist party.

The bill would maintain a requirement that the State Department must notify Congress if it commits to providing assistance to foreign governments that accept Guantanamo Bay detainees and add a requirement for regular reporting to Congress of any negotiations for future detainee transfers.

Representative Kevin McCarthy, the Republican House Majority Leader, said at a news conference, “I think we have been very clear with our challenges with what’s gone on in Cuba, from human rights, from what’s happened there, and we have a difference of opinion with the administration and we have a right to express it.”

Now we wait to see whether this Subcommittee and then the full Committee and the House as a whole pass the bill with these restrictions. The fact that the Republican Majority Leader in the House supports these restrictions does not bode well for defeating these restrictions in the House. Then it will be up to the Senate to delete these restrictions and prevail in conference with the House on such a difference.

U.S. citizens who support normalization and reconciliation with Cuba should press their Senators and Representatives to oppose these provisions of the appropriations bill.

Of course, President Obama could veto any bill with such restrictions after passage by both chambers of Congress. But then the State Department would be left without any appropriated funds to carry out its many functions.

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[1] This post is based upon the following: House App. Comm., Draft Bill Making appropriations for the Department of State, foreign operations, and related programs for the fiscal year ending September 30, 2016, and for other purposes (June 2, 2015); House App. Comm, Press Release: Appropriations Committee Releases Fiscal Year 2016 State and Foreign Operations bill, (June 2, 2015); Reuters, U.S. House Panel Seeks to Ban Funding for U.S. Embassy in Cuba, N.Y. Times (June 2, 2015),

 

Senate Committee Approves Bill To Limit Releases of Guantanamo Detainees

On February 12th the Senate Armed Forces Committee approved, 14 to 12, S.165 (Detaining Terrorists to Protect America Act of 2015). This bill  “would (a) reinstate more restrictive standards for sending detainees at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, to third countries; (b) extend rules barring the movement of prisoners to the mainland United States for two years, until after Obama steps down in early 2017; and (c) impose a two-year suspension on the transfer of any detainees ever categorized by the United States as posing a high or medium risk to the United States or its allies.”

The Committee’s press release stated that it had approved three amendments to the bill proposed by three of its Democratic members: (1) codification of  the lawful procedures already in place to ensure that detainees are treated humanely (Sen. Kaine); (2) promotion of transparency by requiring a report about the use of Department of Defense facilities, including Guantanamo Bay, and Bureau of Prisons facilities as terrorist propaganda tools and explaining whether this propaganda is effective and what the administration is doing to counter it (Sen. McCaskill); and (3) allowance of temporary transfer of a detainee to a Department of Defense facility in the U.S. for emergency or critical medical treatment (Sen. Reed).

This press release does not identify who cast the 14 to 12 votes on the bill, but as the Committee has 14 Republican and 12 Democratic members, it is safe to assume that the voting was on party lines.

On February 23rd the Senate Committee favorably reported S.165 with amendments to the Senate, and it was placed on the Senate’s Legislative Calendar.

The companion bill in the House (H.R.401: Detaining Terrorists to Protect America Act of 2015) was referred to its Armed Service Committee, which has 36 Republican and 27 Democratic members, including John Kline (Rep., MN) and Tim Walz (Dem., MN). On February 12th its Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations held a hearing on detainee transfers from GITMO.

President Obama has indicated that he would veto such a bill if it passes both chambers of the Congress. Presumably his overriding interest is fulfilling his commitment at the start of his presidency to close the prison at Guantanamo. It is highly unlikely that any effort to override such a veto could get the constitutionally required two-thirds votes in both chambers of Congress.

This measure also complicates the reconciliation with Cuba because there are various unresolved issues regarding Guantanamo with Cuba, including its request or demand for the cancellation of its lease in perpetuity of this part of the island to the U.S. and the return of same to Cuba’s control.