Cuban Observatory of Human Rights (OCDH)

U.S. Condemns Cuba’s “Outrageous” Sentences of Protesters

In August 2022 many Cuban citizens engaged in protests calling for an end to the “unbearable blackouts that made life impossible for the residents of several regions of Cuba during that summer.”[1]

On or about April 29, 2024, a Cuban court sentenced some of those individuals to 10 to 15 years imprisonment.

Later that same day U.S. Undersecretary of State, Brian A. Nichols, said on Twitter, “The harsh sentence this week of up to 15 years in prison for the Cubans who peacefully gathered in Nuevitas in 2022 is outrageous.The Cuban Government’s continued repression against Cubans who strive to fulfill their basic rights and needs is inconceivable.”

Expressing the same reaction was the Cuban Observatory for Human Rights, “These brutal sentences, the majority between ten and 15 years, are part of the repression suffered by Cubans who express themselves critically about the current situation in the country.” The Observatory added, “We are facing a hatred of the Cuban people that has no compassion for anyone and that does not even listen to the large number of requests in favor of political prisoners and prisoners of conscience, including those of the Catholic Church.”

Cuban authorities also mentioned that the crime of sedition, which authorizes sentences of life imprisonment and even the death penalty, was contemplated for use against those who promote or participate in massive protests in Cuba that endanger the regime and its control institutions.[2]

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[1] ‘Outrageous,’ the US describes the sentences against the Nuevitas protesters, Diario de Cuba (April 30, 2024); Nichols, Twitter Post (April 29, 2024),

[2] The regime threatens to apply life imprisonment or death in case of mass protests, Diario de Cuba (April 26, 2024).

Cuba’s Legislature Approves Revised Draft of New Constitution

On December 22, Cuba’s National Assembly unanimously approved a proposed new constitution for submission to a national referendum on February 24, 2019. It incorporates into an original one published in July hundreds of mainly small changes proposed by citizens during a three-month public consultation at community meetings nationwide. [1]

Summary of Latest Draft of Constitution

This draft maintains Cuba as a centrally planned economy ruled by a single Communist Party, but recognizes private property for the first time and paves the way for a separate referendum on legalizing gay marriage. It also creates the role of prime minister alongside the current president, as well as provincial governors.

The new draft also recognizes worker-owned cooperatives for the first time as a legal form of production in every sector of the economy, while maintaining Cuba’s largely inefficient and stagnant state-run industries as the central means of production.

The draft contains the following 11 titles:

Title I: Political foundations
Title II: Economic fundamentals
Title III: Fundamentals of educational, scientific and cultural policy (Old Title V)
Title IV: Citizenship
Title V: Rights, Duties and Guarantees.
Title VI: Structure of the State.
Title VII: Territorial Organization of the Stat
Title VIII: Local Organs of Popular Power
Title IX: Electoral System
Title X: Defense and National Security
Title XI: Reform of the Constitution.

Cuba Official Reaction to New Draft.[2]

In closing this session of the National Assembly, President Miguel Diaz-Canel said the island’s economic challenges — including a week 1.2 percent 2018 growth rate in 2018 and similar growth expected next year — required the acceptance of private business, joint public-private ventures and coops working together. He promised to fight widespread public-sector embezzlement and corruption that makes it virtually impossible to get anything done in Cuba without a series of small bribes.[3]

The modest changes to the draft constitution along with the recent changes to regulations governing private enterprise are seen by William LeoGrande, a U.S. expert on Cuba, as unprecedented responsiveness to organized public pressure. It “indicates both the government’s flexibility and also its recognition that the Cuba of 2018 is not one in which people will simply accept whatever the authorities dictate.” These changes also recognize the economic and financial difficulties facing the island.

Indeed, cash-strapped Cuba plans fresh austerity measures and will pressure the sluggish bureaucracy to tighten its belt and cut red tape to address weak growth, falling export earnings and rising debt.

Cuban Opposition to the Draft Constitution[4]

According to Diario de Cuba, several Cuban organizations have launched a campaign to defeat this draft in the national referendum. Here are some of their principal objections:

The draft maintains the role of the Communist Party as the ” highest leading political force in society” and reaffirms state control of the economy.
While recognizing the role of the market and other forms of property, it affirms that Cuba “will never return” to capitalism because “only in socialism and in communism the human being reaches his full dignity.”
It does not allow for the existence of other political parties and independent media,
It denies the possibility of directly electing the president of the country,

The organizations supporting the “No” vote are: Artists against Decree 349, Damas de Blanco Association, Asociación Pro Libertad de Prensa (APLP), Independent Trade Union Association of Cuba (ASIC), Citizens Committee for Racial Integration (CIR) ), Cuba Independiente y Democrática (CID), Cuba Piensa, Foro Antitotalitario Unido (FANTU), Cuban Foundation for LGBTI Rights, Cuban Youth Dialogue Table (MDJC), Citizen Movement Reflection and Reconciliation, Cuban Reflection Movement, Maceista Movement for Dignity, Cuban Observatory of Human Rights (OCDH), Observatory of Electoral Rights (ODE), Party for Democracy Pedro Luis Boitel, Project Di.Verso, OCDH Support Network and Patriotic Union of Cuba (UNPACU).

Amnesty International’s Criticism of the Draft Constitution[5]

Amnesty International had the following comments on the revised draft:

“At first glance, it appears to strengthen a host of human rights protections. But at a closer look, it quickly limits them to what is already found in national law. . . many of which are contrary to international law and standards.”
“On paper, it provides better protections to people accused of crime—like the right to a defence lawyer. In practice, all lawyers work for the state and rarely are prepared or able to mount an adequate defense without losing their job.”
It maintains undue restrictions on freedom of expression. While article 59 ‘recognizes, respects and guarantees the freedom of thought, conscience and expression, Article 60 retains control over the organization and functioning of all media. This is inconsistent with international human rights law and standards, that require states not to have monopoly control over the media and,instead promote a plurality of sources and views.”
“It also stands to continue online censorship. On the one hand, the text proposes the “democratization of cyberspace. but on the other it condemns the use of the Internet for ‘subversion’ (Article 16.l). This could allow for criminal laws to be applied arbitrarily against independent journalists and bloggers, who already work in a legal limbo that exposes them to arbitrary detention, and whose work is already being blocked and filtered.”
“It continues to place undue restrictions on freedom of assembly, demonstration and association. Article 61 states that these rights, ‘For lawful and peaceful purposes,’ are recognized by the State whenever they are exercised with respect to public order and compliance with the mandatory provisions of the law.’ However, international law and standards are clear that the only legitimate reasons to restrict these rights is for the protection of national security, public order, public health or morals, or the rights of others. In practice, protest by political opposition groups and human rights defenders are not tolerated by the authorities. For example, representatives of the Ladies in White, a group of female relatives of prisoners detained on politically motivated grounds, continue to be arbitrarily detained, usually for several hours each weekend, solely for exercising their right to freedom of association and peaceful assembly,”
“It undermines artistic expression. Article 95.h protects artistic expression, but only when it conforms with ‘socialist values.’ Not only is this provision an undue restriction of freedom of expression, but in practice, anyone who dares to speak out against the government is quickly labeled ‘counter-revolutionary.’ One of the first laws signed by President Díaz Canal was Decree 349, a dystopian new law which stands to censor artists.”[6]
“The reforms are unlikely to strengthen the independence of the judiciary or protect the right to fair trial. Article 48 protects the right to be tried before a ‘competent, independent, and impartial tribunal established by law.’ These are all key elements to ensuring the right to a fair trial. At the same time, Article 8 subordinates all organs of the state – presumably including the judiciary – to ‘socialist values’ which in practice may allow for undue interference by the presidency in judicial decisions. Serious and ongoing limitations on the independence of lawyers and the judiciary have been documented by Amnesty International and the UN for decades.”
“If approved, it will pave the way for Cuba to become the first independent nation in the Caribbean to legalize same sex marriage. The revised Constitution defines marriage as between two people (Article 68) and prohibits discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation or gender identity (Article 40). While these provisions are a huge step forward in the path for equality and dignity for all, LGBTI activists say authorities still tightly control LGBTI activism outside of state-sanctioned spaces.”
“It guarantees several economic, social and cultural rights. The proposed Constitution recognizes that human rights cannot be divided and depend on each other to make them happen in a progressive way and without discrimination (Article 39). The state recognizes its responsibility for the protection of older people (Article 73), and people living with disabilities (Article 74). It recognizes the right of people to “dignified housing” (Article 82), and the responsibility of the Cuban state to guarantee the rights to “public health” (Article 83), education (Articles 84), water (Article 87) and food (Article 88). Nevertheless, in a context where the judiciary is not independent, enforcing these rights through the courts will be unrealistic in practice.”
“It commits Cuba to promoting the protection and conservation of the environment and to confronting climate change, which it recognizes as a ‘threat to the survival of the human species’ (Article 16). Cuba could strengthen this commitment further by joining fellow Caribbean countries in signing the Escazú Agreement, a major step forward for the right of people to access information and participate in policies, projects and decisions that affect the environment.”

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[1] Assoc. Press, Cuban Assembly Approves Draft of New Constitution, N.Y. Times (Dec. 22, 2018); Reuters, Cuban Lawmakers Approve New Constitution Which Heads to Referendum, N.Y. Times (Dec. 22, 2018); Intervention of Romero Acosta in the National Assembly, on the main changes of the Constitution from the Popular consultation, Granma (Dec. 22, 2018).See also prior posts about the new constitution in the ”Cuba’s New Constitution, 2018” section of List of Posts to dwkcommentaries—Topical: CUBA.

[2] Gamez Torres, After 60 years of revolution in Cuba, cracks in leadership emerge, Miami Herald (Dec. 27, 2018); Reuters, “Reality” Bites: Cuba Plans More Austerity as Finances Worsen, N.Y. Times (Dec. 28, 2018).

[3] See Cuba Relaxes Some New Rules Regarding Private Enterprise, dwkcommentaries.com (Dec.7, 2018).

[4] Start a campaign for the ‘No’ to the new constitution, Diario de Cuba (Dec. 23, 2018); 20 reasons to vote NO on the constitutional referendum, Diario de Cuba (Dec. 26, 2018); The new Constitution will not reflect the society to which Cubans aspire, Diario de Cuba (Dec. 18, 2018).

[5] Amnesty Int’l, 10 ways reforms to Cuba’s constitution would impact human rights (Nov. 21, 2018); Tillotson, Ten repercussions for the human rights of the reform of the Constitution of Cuba, El confidencial (Nov. 21, 2018).

[6] See Cuba Tightens Censorship of the Arts, dwkcommentaires.com (Dec. 26, 2018).

Cuba’s Human Rights Record Being Subjected to Universal Periodic Review by U.N. Human Rights Council

This year Cuba’s human rights record is a subject of its third Universal Periodic Review (UPR) by the U.N. Human Rights Council in Geneva, Switzerland. After reviewing the nature of the UPR process, we will look at the status of Cuba’s pending UPR.[1]

Background

The U.N. Human Rights Council since 2006 has been an important arm of the United Nations in recognizing and helping to enforce international human rights norms in the world.

One of the ways it does so is its UPR of individual U.N. member states. The UPR is universal in that all 193 U.N. members and all human rights norms are reviewed and it is periodic because it done every four years. Such Review is to be “based on objective and reliable information, of the fulfillment by each State of its human rights obligations and commitments in a manner which ensures universality of coverage and equal treatment with respect to all States.” This is to be done with “a cooperative mechanism, based on an interactive dialogue, with the full involvement of the country concerned.”

The UPR process involves (a) the state’s submission of a report to the Council; (b) submission of written questions and recommendations to the state from other states and stakeholders (human rights NGO’s, etc.); (c) the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights’ summary of U.N. information about the country; (d) a pre-hearing session with the country’s civil society representatives; (e) Questions submitted to the country in advance by the Working Group; (f) the hearing by the Council, (g) the preparation of a draft report on the state by a Council working group, (h) the state’s comments on that report, (i) another hearing before the Council and (j) the Council’s adoption of the final report on the outcome of the UPR.

Cuba’s Third UPR[2]

Prior to the May 16, 2018, hearing on Cuba’s UPR, the following materials have been translated from their original language into five other languages and made available on the Council’s website: (a) Cuba’s National Report to the Council (March 5, 2018); (b) the Council’s Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review’s Summary of Stakeholders’ submissions on Cuba (March 9, 2018); and (c) the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights’ Compilation of U.N. Information on Cuba (March 16, 2018).

Cuba’s National Report

After discussing its {I) Methodology and consultative process, Cuba’s report provided information about its (II) Legal and institutional framework for the promotion and protection of human rights; (III) Achievements and challenges in the promotion and protection of human rights in Cuba since the previous review[in 2013]; and (IV)Cuba’s cooperation with the United Nations human rights machinery. The National Report asserted the following conclusions:

“153. Despite the conditions of underdevelopment inherited from a colonial and neocolonial past, the United States embargo against its people, the unfair and unequal international economic order in which it has been forced to participate and the destructive impact of hurricanes and other natural phenomena, the Cuban people have managed to make substantial progress, and they have continued to intensify their revolutionary transformation with the goal of building a society that is increasingly just, free, democratic, caring, participatory and prosperous.”
“154. The laws, institutions and functions of the Cuban State are based on the exercise of power by the great majority of workers, intellectuals, professionals and artists. There is a broad and active civil society. Cubans participate effectively and systematically in decision-making processes, not only in the political and electoral context, but also in the economic, social and cultural spheres.”
“ 155. The policy of hostility and blockade of successive United States Governments against Cuba has been a serious obstacle to the full enjoyment of the human rights and fundamental freedoms of Cubans, including their right to life, peace, self-determination and development.”
“156. Cuba cooperates with the non-discriminatory and universally applicable procedures and mechanisms of the United Nations machinery in the field of human rights. It confirms its willingness to continue moving ahead with international cooperation and a genuine dialogue on human rights.”
“ 157. The Cuban people will continue to vindicate and defend the Revolution that has made possible the enjoyment by everyone in the country of their civil, cultural, economic, political and social rights. Cuba will work to make it ever more efficient, productive and sustainable. It will continue to ensure with dignity, modesty and pride the right of its people to self-determination, development and peace, and it will work for the establishment of a just, democratic and equitable international order.”

Stakeholders’ Submissions

This densely packed document summarizes many individual submissions and 21 joint submissions by NGO’s.

One of the submissions came from Civil Rights Defenders, a Cuban NGO.[3] It called for the UPR to recommend that (1) Cuba reform its constitution “to include measures that guarantee all the fundamental rights, eliminating the ideological aspects, as well as the mentions of the Communist Party;” (2) Cuba ratify and implement the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights; (3) the U.N. Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights Defenders investigate the situation of human rights defenders in Cuba, and carry out the pertinent monitoring and analysis in their future reports; (4) the U.N. appoint a special rapporteur to monitor non-discrimination for all citizens, especially historically vulnerable groups; (5) Cuba eliminate the death penalty; (6) Cuba make torture a crime; (7) Cuba eliminate precautionary pre-criminal measures frequently used against independent journalists, activista and opponents; (8) the U.N. report on arbitrary detentions in Cuba; (9) the Cuban constitution be amended to guarantee the habeas corpus procedure; (10) Cuba guarantee free movement of all Cuban citizens; (11) Cuba guarantee freedom of worship and conscience, expression, association and peaceful assembly; (12) Cuba establish an electoral law guaranteeing free participation of all citizens in the political system.

A submission that was supportive of the Cuban government and system came from Isaac Saney, Co-Chair and National Spokesperson of the Canadian Network On Cuba.

However, just this last weekend the government arrested and detained 24 members of the Ladies in White as they tried to participate in the #TodosMarchamos campaign for the release of political prisoners, or to attend mass.” Other activists with the Youth Front of the Patriotic Union of Cuba (UNPACU) were arrested and detained.[4]

U.N. Information about Cuba

This report in 67 paragraphs summarized comments about Cuba from various U.N. agencies, including recommendations that Cuba ratify certain human rights treaties; make enforced disappearances an autonomous offense; adopt measures to ensure that all arrestees have prompt hearings to limit pretrial detention; adopt an independent means for regular visits to places of detention; guarantee full independence of the judiciary and other branches of government; ensure that women had easy and secure access to justice, including free legal aid and victim protection programs; and prioritize adoption of the draft Family Code.

Of special concern were “allegations of harassment, intimidation and reprisals and, in certain cases, ill-treatment, arrests and violations of the rights to freedom of expression, assembly and peaceful association.” (Para. 28)

A related concern were “reports of intimidation and arrests of journalists working for non-State-run digital media” and Cuba’s not having “ a freedom of information law, defamation remained criminalized and those who produced or circulated publications without indicating the origin or in non-compliance with the rules relating to publication could face imprisonment for up to one year and/or a fine. The authorities of the Cuban Institute of Radio and Television, the regulatory body for radio and television broadcasting, were appointed by the Government. UNESCO encouraged Cuba to foster a more pluralistic and independent media environment in accordance with international standards, to set up an independent broadcast regulator to award and administer broadcast licences, to introduce a freedom of information law in accordance with international standards, and to decriminalize defamation and subsequently incorporate it into the Civil Code, in accordance with international standards.” (Para. 29)

Presumably one of the topics that will come up at the UPR hearing in May is the recent criticism of Cuba by the Council’s Special Rapporteur for Human Rights Defenders, Michel Forst, for Cuba’s “disqualification, reprisals and harassment of human rights defenders.,” especially the Ladies in White. He lamented Cuba’s refusal to recognize the value of the work of human rights defenders and reminded the Cuban government that “dissent and expressing dissent peacefully . . . are basic and necessary rights in a democratic State.”[5]

This criticism did not sit well with Cuba for on March 1, one of Cuba’s diplomats in Geneva called on Forst “ to ensure that in the performance of his duties a special priority be given to objectivity, a vital element for the credibility of his mandate.”

Pre=session Hearing[6]

Starting in 2012, the Council added pre-sessions to the UPR process because of difficulties in arranging for presentations by civil societies of the countries under review. Such a pre-session was held for Cuba on April 13, 2018.

At this pre-session, the Cuban Observatory of Human Rights (OCDH), which is based in Madrid, Spain, said the Cuban government had demonstrated little commitment to human rights by its failure to ratify the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights; by its failure to modify certain laws that allow the Government to discriminate for ideological or partisan reasons and by its ignoring most of the recommendations made in the prior UPR.

OCDH also recommended that Cuba establish the independence of the judiciary and create a constitutional guarantees chamber in the Supreme Court.

Other groups in attendance were the Ladies in White, the Cuban Foundation for Human Rights in Cuba, the Women’s Platform, the Hands Network (LGBTI, and the Group of 75.

However, the Cuban government prevented some representatives of Cuban civil society from leaving the island in order to attend this pre-session in Switzerland. They were Juan Antonio Madrazo Luna of the Citizens Committee for Racial Integration (CIR) and Dora Mesa of the Association for the Development and Early Childhood Education (ACDEI).

This blockage by the Cuban government was criticized by 12 permanent missions, including Germany, Czech Republic, Sweden, Belgium, Denmark, United Kingdom, Finland, Ireland, Slovenia and Croatia, The German representative warned that their absence hindered the main mission of the Council and raised many questions about the cooperation of the Cuban Government with the UPR, as a mechanism that seeks to contribute to the resolution of internal issues of countries in the area of human rights. the delegate of Sweden said that the “empty chairs” were a sign of the plight of political activists around the world who put their lives at risk to make visible human rights violations on international stages and warned that his country “has its eyes on the situation of repression that human rights defenders live in Cuba and the actions of the Government.”

Conclusion

A future post will examine the Working Group’s Questions for Cuba in Advance of the Hearing, the Hearing and the final report.

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[1] The Council records indicate that Cuba’s first and second UPRs were conducted in 2009 and 2013. The U.S. has had UPRs in 2011-2012 and 2015, and its third is scheduled for October 2020. A previous post examined the first UPR of the United States In 2011-12.

[2] Office U.N, High Commissioner for Human Rights, UPR–Cuba

[3] Civil Rights Defenders asked the UN to promote a constitutional reform in Cuba, Diario de Cuba (Oct. 6, 2017)

[4] At hours of May Day, raids and arrests of activists of the UNPACU and the Ladies in White, Diario de Cuba (April 30, 2018).

[5] González, A special UN rapporteur reminds Havana that ‘dissent is a basic right,’ Diario de Cuba (Mar. 2, 2018).

[6] Opponents denounce in Geneva the ‘confiscation’ of salaries to Cuban workers, Diario de Cuba (April 13, 2018); The empty chairs of Cuban activists in Geneva generate criticism from 12 states, Diario de Cuba (April 16, 2018).